The myth of the ‘free market’ in fossil fuels

Written by Rokas Beresniovas
Calls to “let the free market run its course” often surface whenever proposals arise to regulate electric-vehicle adoption, greenhouse-gas emissions, or fuel efficiency. Yet the energy sector—especially fossil fuels—has never truly operated within a free market.
The U.S. oil and gas sector has benefited from government support for more than a century. The first preferential tax provisions—the intangible-drilling-cost deduction and percentage-depletion allowance—appeared around 1913, shortly after the creation of the modern federal income tax. Initially these measures were intended to encourage exploration in an uncertain frontier industry.
Today, that industry is mature, global, and extraordinarily profitable. In 2011, the three largest U.S. oil companies earned over $80 billion in combined profits while still receiving billions in taxpayer subsidies. President Barack Obama—who simultaneously championed the domestic shale boom and signed the 2015 law ending the crude-oil export ban—acknowledged the contradiction:
“Oil companies are also getting billions a year in taxpayer subsidies – a subsidy they’ve enjoyed year after year for the last century.”
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More than a decade later, those supports remain firmly in place.
An analysis by Oil Change International (2025), following World Trade Organization definitions, estimates that U.S. fossil-fuel subsidies now total about $31 billion annually—twice the level recorded in 2017. Key mechanisms include:
- Tax deductions that allow firms to credit foreign royalties and taxes against U.S. obligations.
- Below-market royalty rates for drilling and mining on public lands.
- Expanded “45Q” carbon-capture credits, frequently applied to enhanced oil recovery, enabling access to additional reserves.
- Direct appropriations through federal programs.
The 2025 federal tax package adds another estimated $4 billion per year for the next decade. The result is a century-long pattern of intervention that contradicts the rhetoric of laissez-faire capitalism.
A market is not “free” merely because it lacks regulation; it is free when rules apply evenly and no participant receives unearned advantage. The airline industry once operated under similar distortions: decades of route-protection and fuel subsidies insulated incumbents and suppressed competition until deregulation in 1978 unlocked lower prices and innovation. Energy markets display the same structural imbalance today.
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In practical terms, a fair energy market would treat every producer—fossil or renewable—under identical fiscal conditions. The current system, by contrast, channels public funds toward mature incumbents while emerging technologies compete without equivalent support.
Redirecting $31 billion each year could deliver tangible household benefits. Analyses show that reallocating those funds to distributed solar could install panels on roughly 54 million homes nationwide within a decade.
For a Maryland household, where average residential electricity rates hover around 15 ¢/kWh and annual consumption averages 10,600 kWh, rooftop solar can reduce bills by $1,400 to $1,600 per year—a 60–70 percent drop in energy costs. Those savings would circulate directly back into local economies instead of being absorbed into corporate balance sheets.
Subsidies distort price signals. When prices fail to reflect environmental costs, investment flows to the wrong places. Economist Joseph Aldy of Harvard notes that properly designed market-based instruments can internalize externalities in decentralized ways—allowing states to calibrate according to regional conditions rather than imposing uniform national charges.
Removing fossil-fuel subsidies and letting decentralized pricing mechanisms account for real costs would align incentives without heavy-handed federal mandates.
Innovation does not always depend on subsidy. The U.S. shale revolution—supported by both Democratic and Republican administrations—drove carbon-dioxide emissions to their lowest levels in a generation, largely by displacing coal. The International Energy Agency credits this as one of the most significant emissions reductions in modern history.
Subsidies like the 45Q carbon-capture credit can indeed stimulate efficiency gains, but perpetual dependence dulls the competitive discipline that drives technological improvement. The objective should be temporary, performance-based incentives, not indefinite fiscal protection.
As defined by classical economists from Adam Smith to Milton Friedman, a laissez-faire capitalist believes that markets function best when voluntary exchange occurs without government favoritism. That principle—not ideology—underpins genuine capitalism.
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By this standard, ending fossil-fuel subsidies would not distort the market; it would finally allow it to function as intended: rewarding the most efficient producers, regardless of technology.
The American taxpayer continues to finance an outdated energy model. The same public dollars could strengthen domestic energy independence, modernize the grid, and lower household costs. Every dollar spent propping up mature fossil enterprises is a dollar unavailable for resilience upgrades, innovation grants, or clean-tech manufacturing in communities across the country.
The United States became an economic powerhouse through ingenuity and competition. Those qualities thrive under open, rules-based markets—not under systems where certain industries receive preferential treatment. Ending energy-market distortions is not anti-business; it is pro-efficiency, pro-innovation, and pro-taxpayer.
The debate is not about eliminating markets. It is about removing artificial, government-created distortions that prevent efficient energy systems from competing on cost and performance. When subsidies no longer shield incumbents, capital naturally flows to technologies that deliver more energy per dollar invested—and that is how markets are meant to work.
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